Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

Wednesday, 29 November 2023

What even is British culture then?

England Expects

From time to time, a would-be edgy Tweeter or columnist will shock us all by stating or suggesting that the heritage British, those awful boring white people who until the last third of the twentieth century made up almost the entire population of the United Kingdom, have no real culture to speak of. There is a twofold implication to this rhetorical ploy: that indigenous Britons should fall on their knees in eternal gratitude for the hitherto unknown liveliness and dynamism of the various diaspora communities who have made their homes here, and also that the demand that newcomers integrate into our way of life is meaningless because there is nothing into which the new Britons can integrate. 

Well.

Many white Britons are happy to participate in this self-abnegation. Pathologically anti-patriotic Tweeters like Otto English love to point out that much-loved aspects of British culture, from fish 'n' chips to St George, have been influenced by foreigners. They also love to emphasise how dull Britain was in the bad old days before Windrush or Tony Blair. A classic recent example was provided by George Monbiot, who Tweeted a year or so back, “I was brought up in a village that was almost exclusively white and Christian. It was the most boring and stifling place I've ever known.”

I, however, am not interested in doing so. As a matter of objective reality Britain, and its constituent parts, have one of the richest, most consequential and deepest cultures on the planet. 

England has existed as an organised unitary state within more or less its current borders since long before the Norman Conquest; Athelstan, who reigned from 927 to 939, was the first English monarch to exercise meaningful political authority over almost all the country. The English nation as a coherent polity is therefore 1100 years old. The cultural unity of the English can be plausibly traced to two centuries before Athelstan, to the time of Bede (d. 735). Our religious continuity goes even further back, with organised Christian communities appearing in the late Roman period. Parts of St Martin’s Church in Canterbury date to Roman times, i.e. before c410. It does not seem to have been a place of Christian worship in Roman Britain, but it was being used for that purpose by 597, as the private chapel of Queen Bertha of Kent. She was the wife of Ethelbert, who had married her while he was still a pagan but later converted to Christianity under the influence of the Augustinian mission. St Peter’s-on-the-Wall in Essex was probably built in the 650s, and its original stonework is substantially intact.

The first known English poet, Caedmon, lived and wrote in the second half of the seventh century, 1350 years ago. Most English counties and many towns have origins in the Anglo-Saxon period.  

The Alfred Jewel
I am not going to rehearse the long span of British history. This is a blogpost not a twenty-part book series. But the point needs to be made that there is a very solid answer to the question “What is British culture?”, even if it is not the pat, easy answer that the (usually bad faith) posers of the question expect.

It is not the twee, trite nonsense about tea and biscuits and queuing and grumbling about the rain and liking the Queen. Fundamentally British culture is the various products and components of the highly-developed civilisation that a largely homogenous and settled population achieved over a thousand years. There are different spheres to this, of course. In literature, we have Beowulf, Chaucer, Malory, Milton, Donne, Austen, Wordsworth, Dickens, Trollope, Scott, Wodehouse and Eliot, to say nothing of a certain gentleman from Stratford. There is the Robin Hood legendarium with its uproarious celebration of tradition and liberty against the greed and stupidity of bad rulers. In religion, take your pick from medieval Books of Hours, The Imitation Of Christ, The Book of Common Prayer, the Authorised Version of the Bible, the heroic courage of the Reformation martyrs on both sides, the Methodist revival, the Oxford Movement, the Catholic literary flowering, and the flourishing Jewish life of London. The whole fabric of Britain speaks of its long, fascinating history, and the genius and innovation of its people. The Welsh castles, the cathedrals, the parish churches, the country houses, the Box Hill Tunnel, The Iron Bridge, Edinburgh New Town, the Forth Bridge, the mills and factories of the Industrial Revolution.

Go to Portsmouth Historic Dockyard and see HMS Victory. During the Napoleonic Wars Britain was building, maintaining, manning and supplying a vast global fleet of such ships, dominating the seas by force of will, national organisation, determination, and economic sophistication unmatched anywhere in the world. She continued to do so for another century after the defeat of Napoleon, winning and maintaining a global empire.

A few hundred yards away from Victory is HMS Warrior, the first ironclad warship, which on her completion in 1860 rendered almost all existing warships obsolete.

Britain was not unique in developing constitutional and accountable forms of government. But we were early adopters and shapers of the tradition of liberal, limited government. Freedom of speech, thought, assembly and religion have been observed and respected here – albeit imperfectly – for a very long time. The same is true of due process in the criminal justice system, while the flexibility of our partially unwritten constitution has meant that throughout the modern period we largely avoided the revolutions, political instability and civil strife that blighted almost every other comparable country.  

The most successful and prosperous nation in the world, the United States of America, was founded on political principles that had been given their clearest and most compelling exposition by British philosophers. The USA’s founders were mostly of British extraction, as many of its great men have been. The same is true of many of the most peaceful, orderly and free places – Australia, New Zealand and Canada being the most obvious examples. The British political tradition has been a huge boon to the world. Adam Smith, for example, was not the first advocate for the free economy, but he was one of the most brilliant and most sophisticated.  

I could spend thousands of words listing the scientific and technological breakthroughs made in Britain, or describing at length the learned societies and debating clubs and scientific institutes that grew up from the seventeenth century onwards, taking advantage of our free, orderly, well-organised society to push science forward. I could fill a dozen books with details of the tens of thousands of gentleman amateurs and underemployed clergy who produced monographs on every subject from astronomy to entomology. I could name painters – the Van de Veldes, Gainsborough, Turner, Lucian Freud, David Hockney – who will be enjoyed as long as there are people who wish to look at paintings, or composers like Purcell, Holst, Vaughan Williams and James Macmillan.

The cloisters of Gloucester Cathedral

Britain has long provided a home and a refuge for those persecuted elsewhere, starting with the Huguenots more than four hundred years ago. Between the beginning of the nineteenth century and the start of the Second World War we accepted something like 400,000 Eastern European Jews with very little violence or unrest. Indeed, we had a Jewish Prime Minister 155 years ago.

Twice in the span of three decades, we devoted vast resources – human, financial and material – to defeating huge threats to the peace and freedom of Europe. By so doing we practically bankrupted ourselves, but we were in the fight on the side of decency, humanity, freedom and democracy.

There are so many aspects of British culture that I haven’t mentioned – I’ve not even approached sport or folk culture or cinema or TV – but before I finish, I would like to return briefly to the George Monbiot comment I mentioned earlier.

The place where he grew up was Rotherfield Peppard in Oxfordshire. One can see how it might have seemed rather claustrophobic and limiting to an independent-minded, incipiently socialist teenager growing up in a well-off and well-connected Tory family.

And yet the very stability, order and quiet of Rotherfield Peppard represented – still represents – an extraordinary civilisational achievement. Safe streets and trustworthy neighbours are not the norm for human societies; they are the exception, even today. They did not arise by accident in Britain. They are the product of many centuries of hard national graft, of tough decisions, of sacrifice. They arise from a particular Christian context, a specific national character: the brilliance of a particular people in a particular place.


Friday, 21 January 2022

Am I a canceller? Free speech, institutional boundaries and healthy academic culture

Last year an old friend of mine gave me a book for my birthday. Not an unusual occurrence; but this relatively short and conversational volume has kept bouncing around in my mind over the last few months. It was written by an American academic named Zena Hitz and is called Lost In Thought: The Hidden Pleasures Of An Intellectual Life. It is an endearingly enthusiastic and unashamedly personal paean to “the life of the mind”, i.e. wide and deep reading, careful thought and contemplation, serious conversation, and the acquisition of knowledge and understanding.

The gift was well chosen. This was partly because, although the friend in question is not quite on the same page as me politically or philosophically, we are united in our belief in the value of open discussion and friendly disagreement. But in addition, the book caused me to partially reconsider my position on a topic which hardly ever seems to leave the headlines nowadays: the meaning and significance of free speech.

Last November saw the announcement of the University of Austin – a planned new private university, based in Texas. Its founders, including high-profile names such as Steven Pinker, Jonathan Haidt and Ayaan Hirsi Ali, intend it to be an oasis of free inquiry and open debate amid a desert of censoriousness, groupthink and political dogmatism.

I’m instinctively sympathetic to such a project. Only the most obtuse or dishonest of observers would deny that recent years have seen a clear narrowing of the limits of acceptable opinion in many areas of public life. You can call this cancel culture if you like; it doesn’t really matter. What is important is not the name we give to the phenomenon, but the phenomenon itself, and so I can quite understand someone wanting to pursue their discipline in an institution where they can be confident of minimal ideological interference with their research, teaching or public statements.

Thursday, 3 December 2020

Techno-noir: a review of James Wilson's "Coyote Fork"

(I was sent a review copy of this book by the publisher.)

What is social media doing to us? You don’t need to be a relentless pessimist to see Twitter and Instagram and Facebook as in many ways dangerous and divisive, encouraging us to be snide and snarky, to view many of our fellow human beings as simply a bundle of opinions and characteristics rather than as whole individuals with their own strengths and hopes and personal dramas. More seriously the instant feedback loops enabled by Twitter in particular both enable and encourage the terrifying pile-ons which are a large component of what has come to be known as “cancel culture”.

Behind this question lurk others; enormously important dilemmas about the future of public debate and reasonable discourse and whether anything approaching private life will even be possible in the coming surveillance society. 

It is these issues that the thriller writer James Wilson has picked up in Coyote Fork. I’ve seen it described as techno-noir, and I think that term captures its general feel well. The noir element is there in the twisty story full of characters who may or may not be trustworthy, and in the figure of the lead character, a cynical and despondent middle-aged journalist - not an anti-hero exactly but certainly not a hero, an old-style ink-stained hack adrift in the new world of clickbait and engagement and #content. As for the “techno” component, the action of the plot centres on the founder of a vast and powerful social media platform, Global Village, which may or may not bear a strongish resemblance to a real-life corporation launched in 2004, with the ambition and the means to reshape human communication and interaction on a global scale.   

Wednesday, 2 October 2019

The open society and its frenemies

What do you think of when you hear the phrase “the open society”?

Quite likely you think of Pride parades, or the relaxed immigration laws that have made London a microcosm of the world rather than a national capital. Maybe it calls to mind the bustling, seething streets of the City and Canary Wharf, where brilliant people from all over the globe come to be part of the beating heart of international capitalism. Or perhaps you think fondly of a – real or imagined – deregulated economy, open to competition and innovation and creative destruction. 
Here are some things you probably didn’t think of: religious believers being allowed to withdraw their children from sex education classes that they believe to be counter to the teachings of their faith. A men-only private member’s club. Restrictions on the portrayal of sex and violence in media, and on what can be shown in advertisements. Political and fiscal policies that support the maintenance of stable two-parent married families.

Wednesday, 25 September 2019

Panning for gold in the past: Downton Abbey and the uses of nostalgia

I

Have you ever actually seen an old maid hiking to Holy Communion through the mists of the autumn morning? I have. If you grow up in semi-rural Kent, and your father is a parson, you do occasionally see such things, not least if – like me – you rather enjoyed hiking to Holy Communion through the early morning mist yourself. 

It was Orwell who invoked that image as an icon of the eternal England. Nowadays it is usually mentioned jokingly or derisively; when John Major cited it in the 1990s he was roundly mocked. As is well known, Good Things in Britain began in 1948 with the foundation of the NHS, before which all was darkness and misery, so to mention Orwell’s vision In The Current Year without a eyeroll and a knowing wink is to invite the charge of “harking back to a non-existent golden age". 

Tuesday, 5 February 2019

Published pieces - for Niall completists

I had a few pieces published in the Catholic Herald last year:

"Belgium's euthanasia nightmare", 03/08/18

- Why assisted suicide is a dark road to travel.

"Cashing in on the politics of grievance", 27/09/18

- A review of Ben Cobley's book The Tribe

"Ignore the critics. It's A Wonderful Life is a wise tribute to everyday heroism", 20/12/18

- A defence of Capra's classic against its detractors

In May, I also wrote a longish piece for the Excvbitor website replying to Peter Hitchens' defence of Elizabethan religious policy.



Friday, 18 January 2019

Somewhere, Anywhere, Leave, Remain: Thoughts between two stools


I could probably pass for a member of the Metropolitan Liberal Elite, if I had to spend an evening undercover at Tate Modern for a Gilbert & George retrospective, or attend one of those famous Islington dinner parties (although I must say that the one and only time I have ever been to a dinner party in Islington, almost everyone there was ferociously right-wing and made me feel like a hand-wringing wet). I went to a pretty good university, I work in the public sector in London, I read and write poetry for pleasure, I like ballet. I favour a redistributive welfare state. I am strongly supportive of public transport, cycle superhighways, car-free cities and renewable energy. I would even call myself an environmentalist, albeit one who owes more to Roger Scruton than to George Monbiot. And of course, at about 9.30am on Thursday June 23rd 2016, in a now-demolished Croydon youth centre, I put a cross next to a box containing the words “Remain a member of the European Union”.

Friday, 23 November 2018

Books that make my worldview: Intro to an occasional series

I liked the idea of writing about a series of posts about some of the books that have shaped the way I understand the world, with a short explanation of how and why. Originally I was going to just do one post but I soon realized that it would be extremely long.

It's worth noting at this point that astute readers will notice a distinct lack of books on economics. This is because, by nature, I am most keenly interested in social-cultural-religious questions, rather than political-economic ones, albeit the line between the two categories is not always clear.

Monday, 1 January 2018

My published articles 2017 - a roundup

For Niall completists...

"Seeking God in the Lord of the Rings" in the Scottish Catholic Observer, 10/03/17

- Why Catholics continue to be inspired by Tolkien's epic trilogy

"Escape from the madding crowd", also in the SCO, 28/04/17

- Do we need a theology of the moment?

"Why modern Christians need cathedrals" in the Catholic Herald, 18/05/17 (£)

- Christian architecture still matters.

"Illiberal Democracy" in the SCO, 23/06/17

- What the resignation of Tim Farron tells us about the prospects for Christians in politics

"How modern architects ripped society apart" in the Herald, 20/07/17

- Post-war town planning has been a spiritual disaster but recovery may be coming.

"Adapting well-loved books to the screen is a minefield, but we should expect better" in The Irish Catholic, 09/11/17

- Why were the Hobbit films so utterly terrible?

"The triumph of the non-apology" in the Herald, 29/11/17 (£)

- Can Christians rescue the proper apology?



Thursday, 25 May 2017

Jeremy Corbyn's Dangerous Idea

(This post was originally published as an article in 2015 on another website, now defunct. It now seems relevant yet again.)

Unlike many conservatives, I wasn’t that bothered by Jeremy Corbyn not singing the national anthem. As the columnist Peter Hitchens noted: “The world’s full of countries where you have to salute the leader and sing the party song in public. This isn’t one of them.”

Much more troubling than Mr Corbyn’s aversion to ‘God Save The Queen’ are the remarks he made after the killing of Osama Bin Laden by US special forces in Abbottabad, Pakistan, in May 2011. Interviewed by the Iranian state broadcaster Press TV, he said:

“There was no attempt whatsoever that I could see to arrest him and put him on trial, to go through that process…this was an assassination attempt, and is yet another tragedy, upon a tragedy, upon a tragedy. The World Trade Center was a tragedy, the attack on Afghanistan was a tragedy, the war in Iraq was a tragedy. Tens of thousands of people have died.”

There are several problems here.

Monday, 22 May 2017

A Grammar Of Ascent?

(This post was originally published as an article in 2015 on another website, now defunct. If I wrote it now I'd change some things but it still reflects my overall thinking, more or less.)  

There are certain genres of article that crop up in the press with great regularity. Dreadful Leftie Hypocrite Sends Kids To Grammar/Private School! is one such. The most recent left-wing notable to be thus exposed was Seumas Milne, late of The Guardian and now in charge of PR for Jeremy Corbyn.

The reaction to such stories tends to be rather muted, not least, I suspect, because rather a lot of journalists (and indeed politicians) who are vocally pro-comprehensive in public are quietly sending their children to independent schools or grammars, or to schools that are comprehensive only in name.

The general shape of the debate over selection has a wearying familiarity. Supporters praise the post-1944 system of state grammar schools as having enabled large numbers of clever but poor children to get a first-class academic education in the state sector, which they would not otherwise have been able to get. They suggest that post-war improvements in access to Oxbridge for state school pupils can be ascribed to the system. Although it’s hard to quantify such a claim, it must contain a certain amount of truth—in just 5 years between 1959 and 1964, the proportion of incoming Oxford and Cambridge undergraduates who had been educated at state schools rose by 11 percentage points, from 26% to 37%.

Thursday, 20 October 2016

Five interesting arguments against my views

This has turned out to be a bit of a weird list, partly I think because I don't have a very strong opinion about quite a lot of big political issues, e.g. economics. Also I don't read enough non-fiction, and what I do read tends to be non-polemical, and in any case I tend to be preoccupied with cultural and social issues rather than strictly political ones.

Anyway...

Practical Ethics, Peter Singer

The moral status of the foetus/unborn child is the central philosophical question in the abortion debate, but it is rare to encounter serious discussion of the issue. Most pro-abortion argument is long on hand-waving about irrelevancies and short on engagement with this central problem – largely, I suspect, because pro-abortion folk know that the premises on which the pro-abortion argument depends lead down some difficult conceptual roads. Singer, by contrast, cuts to the quick. He has a coherent and plausible (though in my view false) idea of which categories of human being have the right to life – and which don’t – and is happy to embrace all the logical outworkings of that idea, most famously perhaps in his argument that since there do not seem to be good reasons to regard birth as a morally significant boundary, young children also lack the right to life. Singer gives the abortion-sceptic a genuine argument to engage with, and is an honest interlocutor.

See also: another book arguing for a liberal position on abortion (and euthanasia) which I think makes a solid and well-argued if ultimately unconvincing case, Ronald Dworkin’s Life’s Dominion.

Monday, 29 August 2016

Is Britain a nation of immigrants? Plus some thoughts on the "British Values" problem

At no time in the last 25 years has total immigration into the United Kingdom fallen below 250,000 per year. In only one year since 2002 has it been below 500,000 (and even then it was only just below - 498,000). Between the censuses of 1951 and 2011, so over much less than a lifetime, the proportion of the population born overseas increased more than threefold, from a little over 4% to 13.4%.

Many people are concerned by the sustained high level of settlement by people from outside the UK that has persisted, on and off, since the late 1940s. Others are not. Those who favour mass immigration often insist that Britain is a "nation of immigrants".

But is this actually true?

Tuesday, 16 August 2016

Is it just ideology all the way down?

A while back, an astute Twitter friend raised a good question. I had criticised a successful campaign by some faculty and students at Cambridge to have Dr David Starkey removed from a publicity campaign for the university. They found some of Dr Starkey’s expressed views about criminal justice and the 2011 riots uncongenial and so believed that the university should not be publicly associated with him, despite his longstanding links with the place – he won a scholarship to Fitzwilliam, took a PhD there, and remains a Fellow of the college, albeit an honorary one who has not taught full-time at England's second-best university since the 1970s. I objected to this as an example of politicisation and characterised the attacks on Starkey as ideological: the friend countered that supporting Starkey and giving him prominence was equally ideological, that what looks like an absence of ideology is often nothing of the sort, and that conservatives often ignore the ideologies embedded in established or existing practices and norms.

Saturday, 30 August 2014

A Bad Book About "Religion"

Marcus Brigstocke does not believe in God. But he is not one of the aggressive Hitchens/Dawkins school. No, he is a Thoughtful, Reflective Agnostic Who, Like, Totally Understands Why Some People Need Faith.

That, at least, is how he presents himself – as a genuine seeker after truth, willing not only to listen to the claims of religion, but to think carefully about them and not simply reject them out of hand. After reading his book "God Collar", I remain sceptical about this self-description. My doubt on this score is only heightened by the fact that he has not, as far as I am aware, expressed any regret over his extraordinarily mean-spirited, ill-informed rant against the Abrahamic faiths during an episode of The Now Show several years ago.

Defenders of Brigstocke might counter that "God Collar" is an account of one man’s struggle, not a contribution to the heavily polarised atheist/theist debate, and indeed he freely admits to being a non-specialist who has not read especially widely in theology, ethics or comparative religion. It is certainly true that there is a personal and emotional core to this book, for it is the untimely death of a close friend and the joys and tribulations of parenthood that led Brigstocke to re-examine his conviction that there is no God. And he is honest about the fact that he does feel the impulse to believe, despite finding himself unable to do so.

But I’m not sure I really buy that. "God Collar" is not a personal memoir that just happens to occasionally touch on religious themes in a ruminative, exploratory way. It is, indubitably, a book about faith, with a polemical and hostile edge. It contains mean-spirited, and often ill-conceived, attacks on numerous aspects of religious belief. He cannot try the old comedian’s argument of pulling back when challenged, and just saying “oh, I didn’t really mean it, I’m just trying to make people laugh” or “I’m only a non-specialist”. By publishing this book, Brigstocke has entered the arena of public debate about faith. In that arena, bad and unfair arguments get challenged. And boy, are there some bad and unfair arguments here.

Saturday, 19 July 2014

What I think about the situation in the Holy Land

I unequivocally support the right of Israel to exist within secure borders

BUT I know that the creation of Israel involved the dispossession and exile of the many thousands of people who lived there before 1948, and that Israel now holds territory that was not part of the original lands granted to it in 1948

BUT most of those territories are only occupied by Israel because they were captured in defensive wars against neighbours who wanted to wipe out the Jewish state, and their surrender would compromise Israel’s ability to defend itself

BUT that doesn’t mean that those territories are Israel’s, either legally or morally

BUT Israel is the historic homeland of the Jews and where else could a Jewish state be created?

BUT even that was based on wars of conquest in the early part of the first millennium BC

BUT if we go back far enough no country or people really has a secure title to land

BUT that doesn’t solve the problem of what to do with Arab refugees from pre-1948 Israel – both Christian and Muslim

BUT we can’t allow an unqualified right of return for the dispossessed of 1948 and their families because it would completely undermine Israel’s status as a Jewish state and a haven for the Jews from the violent hatred that the world often turns against them

BUT where does that leave those people and their descendants, who are often the victims of monstrous injustice and who have seen their land and people further crushed by Israeli settlement and have special reason to hate Israel?

BUT Israel is one of the most successful and admirable states in the world and basically a free liberal democracy

BUT the Israelis often behave extremely badly e.g. in building settlements in the West Bank and not taking sufficient care to avoid civilian casualties

BUT Hamas place weapons launches and ammo stores near or in schools and hospitals

BUT that doesn’t entirely excuse the IDF from responsibility for the consequences of attacking such locations and killing women and children

BUT what would you have Israel do in response to Hamas rocket attacks?

BUT Hamas rocket attacks, while dangerous, cause relatively few casualties in Israel, which is much more sparsely populated than Gaza and has much more sophisticated defences

BUT these attacks still cause massive disruption to ordinary life in Israel

BUT the Israeli occupation of the West Bank also causes appalling disruption, oppression and indignity in the lives of Palestinians living there

BUT Israel lives in a very tough neighbourhood and faces an existential threat not just from Islamist extremists but even from relatively “moderate” Muslims who do not accept its right to exist and hold violently anti-Jewish views

BUT Israel has its own share of religious chauvinists and extremists and has a very patchy record of looking after the antiquities and holy sites of other faiths

BUT that record is pretty good compared with most other countries in the Middle East

BUT that’s damning with faint praise, surely?

BUT if you’re going to take a side in the Middle East surely you have to side with the one country that has the rule of law, freedom for minorities, a free press, and due process?

BUT do those things give a country carte blanche to behave recklessly and violently against people under their control?

Etc. etc. etc.

Wednesday, 23 April 2014

A Brief Note On My Privilege

I am a white, middle-class, able-bodied, heterosexual, Oxford and grammar school-educated British male. I am drenched in Privilege. 

Here’s two other bits of information about me. 

I lost two brothers in separate accidents before I reached the age of twenty. Dealing with bereavement isn’t like getting better after an illness. It’s much more like learning to live with a disability.

            I was  bullied as a child, and throughout my teens and early twenties had a sometimes crippling lack of self-confidence in certain situations, which has affected the way my life turned out subsequently.

I am emphatically not asking for pity or special treatment. I am simply pointing out that like everyone else on this earth I am an individual human being with a story behind me, of which most people who encounter me, or argue with me, know very little.

Also like everyone else, I have secret sorrows and old wounds. I am not just a bundle of characteristics which people can use to slot me neatly into their ideologies of oppression and victimhood. Part of my whole problem with privilege-checking, and identity politics in general, is that it creates sometimes spurious hierarchies of suffering, by privileging certain kinds of disadvantage and bad experience over others.

Some people who appear to tick every box for being “privileged” nevertheless have difficult, complicated, struggle-filled lives – in some cases much more so than people who appear to score highly in Victimhood Top Trumps.

Privilege-checking also risks setting in stone historically contingent dynamics of Oppressors and Oppressed long after those dynamics are out of date. This means it helps to legitimise bad behaviour by those perceived to be in the latter camp, even when they have gained considerable cultural and political power, and to demonise the former, even when their power has largely vanished.